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The Man In The American Dungeon
September 23, 2003
by John Bloom
NEW YORK, September 23 (UPI) --
Why is there no media outrage over Jose Padilla?
All we have is dry bare-bones reporting on the first case
since the founding of the republic in which an American citizen
gets thrown into a dungeon and left there. It's like one of those
guys who disappeared into a turreted castle in medieval times.
You could show up at the gate of Chillon with your petition, but
you'd always be turned away. Padilla has been locked in a room
for one year, six months, and counting.
To give you some idea of just how far this has gone . . .
In the only legal precedent that the government cites as its
justification for throwing away the key on Padilla--"Ex parte
Quinn," involving eight Nazi saboteurs captured on American soil
during World War II--the Nazis were treated better than Padilla.
They were given a lawyer. They were charged. They were tried.
Seven of them were not even American citizens. So the German
Nazis, attempting an act of violence against the United States,
were given more consideration than Jose Padilla, an ineffectual
small-time Chicago ex-con.
In citing "Ex parte Quinn," the executive branch is actually
arguing against itself. To find a real precedent for the Padilla
case, you have to go back to King George III, who would
occasionally hold people in preventive detention if they were
deemed "traitors." Even then, habeas corpus would eventually be
imposed by the king's own courts. In this case the government is
using a novel, if frightening, argument: as long as Padilla is
not charged with anything, habeas corpus doesn't apply.
Henry VIII couldn't have said it better.
Here's what we know about Jose Padilla (and it's precious
little):
He is an American citizen.
He was arrested on American soil--namely, Chicago's O'Hare
Airport.
He's been held in solitary confinement since May 8, 2002,
with no access to a lawyer, with no idea that he even has a
lawyer, with no contact with the outside world, with no knowledge
of his situation except what he's told by his military handlers.
For one month he was held as a "material witness" in
Manhattan. When it became apparent that American judges wouldn't
go along with the government's plan to deny him a lawyer, he was
transferred to a naval brig in Charleston, South Carolina, and
declared to be an "enemy combatant."
Even by the standards of the PATRIOT Act, a foreign national
can only be held for seven days without charges being filed. This
is an American citizen who's been held for 18 months.
Michael B. Mukasey, chief judge for New York's Southern
District, has repeatedly ordered the government to allow Padilla
access to his attorney. The government has repeatedly refused.
His attorney, Donna R. Newman, has never met her client but
has repeatedly asked the government to deliver letters to
Padilla. The government accepts the letters but refuses to
promise that they'll be delivered.
Since Padilla's alleged crime has not been reviewed by any
judge, grand jury or other public body, all we know about it
comes from press releases and selective statements by the
government. But here's what they say:
Padilla met with Al Qaeda operatives in Afghanistan and
Pakistan.
Padilla was given instructions on how to wire a bomb.
Padilla had plans to explode a "dirty bomb" in an American
city.
The evidence to hold Padilla comes from a "declaration" by
Michael H. Mobbs, a Defense Department "special adviser." (I have
no idea what that means.)
If Padilla were allowed to meet with his lawyer, he might
pass terrorist messages. (Judge Mukasey dismissed this as
"gossamer speculation.")
We also know, through questioning of the government, that:
Padilla had no bomb when arrested, and no bomb was found in
any search.
Padilla had no bombmaking equipment.
Padilla had no target.
Padilla had no plan.
Since he's been in jail since May 2002, most of his meetings
in Afghanistan and Pakistan were prior to 9/11, which means they
were at a time when there was no "enemy combatant" designation,
and a time when the U.S. was actually sending aid to the Taliban.
What apparently happened--again, this is speculation,
because there's no formal written complaint--is that Padilla
tried to curry favor with Al Qaeda. Since Al Qaeda doesn't trust
people who work for money, people who have criminal records, or
people who show up uninvited--since those are the kind of people
who can turn on them at any time--they apparently thought, "Okay,
we'll show him how to wire a bomb," but didn't really reveal
anything to him.
Whatever happened, it's something for a court to sort out,
not a kangaroo Star Chamber. The remarkable thing about Padilla
v. Rumsfeld--the case now making its slow way through the court
system in an effort to force the government to either charge
Padilla or release him--is the number of friend-of-the-court
briefs filed by arch-conservative organizations.
Those conservatives who interpret the Constitution strictly-
-and this case goes to the essence of both the 5th and 6th
Amendments--are horrified by the implications of unlimited
executive detention. As Fourth Circuit chief judge J. Harvie
Wilkinson, a strict conservative, has already written: "With no
meaningful judicial review, any American citizen alleged to be an
enemy combatant could be detained indefinitely without charges or
counsel."
He was actually writing about the other American citizen
being held without charges being filed--Yaser Hamdi. But at least
Hamdi was captured in Afghanistan. "We aren't placing our
imprimatur," concluded Wilkinson, "upon a new day of executive
detentions."
Besides the constitutional implications, there's even a
specific federal law passed in the early seventies (Title 18,
section 4001(a) of the U.S. Code) that states the issue
unequivocally: "No citizen shall be imprisoned or otherwise
detained by the United States except pursuant to an Act of
Congress."
There has been no act of Congress.
And in the face of this, they still hold Padilla.
This is tyranny. At this point it's tyranny for only one
man, but that makes it no less tyrannical.
Charge the man. Bring him into the light.
© Copyright 2003 United Press International and John Bloom